Citas seleccionadas de Cristóbal Colón

Selected quotes from Christopher Columbus[1]

To finish off the series on the Latin American chronicles, we return to where it all began, Columbus's letters from 1492-93. These extracts come from the letters and documents penned by Colombus (all originals were lost save the first one, which was published in Castilian in 1493) or collected and published by other authors (in our case Bartolomé de las Casas). All of texts include some obscure vocabulary, like some Portuguese loan words (he learned Portuguese before Castilian), like «faxones» for―I presume― feijao from the Portuguese. Consequently, there is good cause on linguistic grounds to assume that the texts did originate with Columbus even when we read him through de las Casas. 

I will present the texts without commenting much; these quotes were compiled during my readings of them. Europe was still in medieval mode when Columbus penned these documents, and they are contaminated with European supremacism from start to finish. In any event, it is fascinating to contemplate Latin America as seen by Columbus in what was still the 15th century.

I hope you enjoyed this petit journey through the chronicles of Latin America. If you discovered this minute islet of the internet, please stay and look around and savour some of the other entries. Vale.

From the first voyage (1493). (Letter to Luis de Santángel).

[Columbus believes they understood what was being said without speaking a common tongue]

“And then after I arrived at The Indies, on the first island that I encountered, I took some of them by force so that they might understand [me] and give me notice of what existed in those parts, and thus it transpired that they later understood us and us them, through words or signs; and these [natives] have served [us] greatly”.

[texto original]

[Cuando Colón hace su primera comunicación con los nativos, está convencido de que se entendieron sólo por señas y gestos]

«Y luego que legé a las Indias, en la primera isla que hallé, tomé per forza algunos d'ellos para que deprendiesen y me diesen noticia de lo que avía en aquellas partes e así fue que luego entendiron y nos a ellos cuando por lengua o señas; y éstos han aprovechado mucho».

From the first voyage (1492-93) according to the documents published by Bartolomé de las Casas. 

(Words which were collected and/or edited by Bartolomé de las Casas, but probably represent Columbus's words with a certain degree of fidelity).

[Columbus praises the physiques of the natives]

They walk around without clothes on, like the day their mother gave birth to them, the women included, although I didn’t see more than a single girl, and all of whom I saw were youths, I saw no one older than 30 years of age, well proportioned, with beautiful bodies and faces, thick hair almost like a horse’s tail and short. They wear their hair over their eyebrows, except for a few who wore it long, which they never cut. Some paint themselves with dark [colours], others canary [yellow], neither black or white, and some paint themselves in white, others in red or [in any of] the colours that they stumble upon; some paint their faces, others their entire body, some just their eyes, other just the nose. They do not bear arms nor do they know of them, because I showed them [some] swords and they took them by the sharp end and cut themselves ignorantly”.

[texto original]

[Colón alaba los cuerpos de los nativos]

Ellos andan todos desnudos como su madre los parió, y también las mugeres, aunque no vide más de una farto moça, y todos los que yo vi eran todos mançebos, que ninguno vide de edad de más de XXX años, muy bien hechos, de muy fermosos cuerpos y muy buenas caras, los cabellos gruessos cuasi como sedas de cola de cavallos e cortos. Los cabellos traen por ençima de las çejas, salvo unos pocos detrás que traen largos, que jamás cortan. D'ellos [2]se pintan de prieto, y d'ellos son de la color de los canarios, ni negros ni blancos, y d' ellos se pintan de blanco y d' ellos de colorado[3] y d' ellos de lo que fallan; y d' ellos se pintan las caras, y d' ellos todo el cuerpo, y d' ellos solos los ojos, y d' ellos solo el nariz. Ellos no traen armas ni las cognosçen, porque les amostré espadas y las tomavan por el filo y se cortavan con ignorancia».

[He speaks of indigenous peoples with pale complexions, similar to Europeans]

“This king and everyone else walk around without clothes, like the day their mother gave birth to them, without any shame. And (as they say) they were the most beautiful men and women encountered up to that point, very pale; such that if they walked around clothed (says the Admiral) and protected themselves from the sun and air, they’d be almost as white as those in Spain. For this land, (he says) is very cold, and better than words can describe”.

[texto original]

[Hay indígenas más pálidos que tienen piel blanca parecida a la europea]

«Este rey e todos los otros andaban desnudos como sus madres los parieron, y así las mujeres sin algún empacho[4]. Y eran dizque[5] los más hermosos hombres y mujeres que hasta allí habían hallado, harto blancos; que, si vestidos anduviesen (dice el Almirante) y se guardasen del sol y del aire, cuasi serían tan blancos como en España. Porque esta tierra, ―dice él― es harto fría y la mejor que lengua pueda decir».

[he praises the manner in which they speak]

“They love their fellow man as they do themselves, and they have a manner of speaking which is the sweetest and most docile in the world, and always smiling”.

[texto original]

[alaba como hablan los nativos]

«Ellos aman a sus próximos como a sí mismos, y tienen una habla la más dulce del mundo y mansa, y siempre con risa».

From the third voyage (as documented by Bartolomé de las Casas)

[brands the natives as cowards, suggests they be used as slaves]

“They don’t have [heavy] weaponry[6], and they’re all naked without any ingenuity with arms and very cowardly; a thousand [of them] wouldn’t stand up to three [of our men], and thus would they be suitable to order around to work and do whatever be necessary, and that they build villas and learn to wear clothing and [learn] of our customs”.

[texto original]

[dice Colón que son cobardes los nativos, cree en la esclavitud]

«Ellos no tienen armas, y son todos desnudos y de ningún ingenio en las armas y muy cobardes, que mil no aguardarían tres, y así son buenos para les mandar les hacer trabajar y hacer todo lo otro que fuere menester, y que hagan villas y se enseñan a andar vestidos y a nuestras costumbres[7]».

[a brief tip of the hat to Portugal]

“And that’s without observing the great heart of the princes of Portugal, who for so long a time have persevered with their enterprise in Guinea and continue with one in Africa, where they have spent half of the people of their kingdom, and with which the king is now more determined than ever”.

[texto original] 

[hace un breve ensalzamiento a Portugal]

«y sin mirar el gran corazón de los prínçipes de Portugal, que a tanto tiempo que prosiguen la enpresa de Guinea y prosiguen aquélla de Africa, adonde an gastado la mitad de la gente de su reino, y agora está el rey más determinado a ello que nunca».

[a refrain from Colombus]

“constant dropping wears away a stone”. Oxford Reference say it originates in the 13^th century but unfortunately don’t mention the source text. It was already a common topos in the Greco-Roman world, compare Ovidius, Epistulae ex Ponto: «Gutta cavat lapidem, non vi, sed saepe cadendo». The drop hollows the stone, not through force, but by falling often. “La gota cava la piedra, no con fuerza, sino al caer constantemente”.

[texto original]

[un refrán de Colón]

«tanto da una gotera de agua en una piedra que le faze un agujero».

Interesantemente, hoy día en la República Dominicana, existe el refrán: “tanto da la gotera en la piedra hasta que se da el hoyo”.

Cf. también, La Celestina (VIII, 14), dice: «una continua gotera horaca una piedra».

                                                                                   

From the fourth voyage

[Columbus informs us that not all Spaniards made a fortune in the Americas, and some of them returned embittered.

 “Those who left the Indies, running away from the work and speaking unfavourably towards them and me, returned with posts. Thus is Veraguas now governed; a poor example and no good for [either] the enterprise or for the justice in the world”.

[texto original]

[Colón nos informa que no todos los españoles encontraron riquezas, y algunos volvieron a España amargados]

«Los que se fueron de las Yndias, fuyendo los trabajos y diziendo mal d'ellas y de mí, bolvieron con cargos. Así se hordenava agora en Biragua[8]; malo exemplo y sin probecho del negoçio y por la justiçia del mundo».

---

[1] Cristòffa Cómbo in his native language. ligurian.

[2] «de ellos…de ellos». algunos….otros.

[3] «colorado»: rojo.

[4] «empacho»: vergüenza.

[5] «dizque» (de dice que): adv. supuestamente, según dice. 
[6] He means weapons of steel, iron; as the Europeans would have at least observed their wooden arrows and daggers.

[7] Es en tales contextos que resulta lastimoso no contar con la carta original, para comprobar si realmente son todas palabras suyas o inserciones de Bartolomé de las Casas. Sea quien fuera, se ven muy agrestes sus palabras para un lector en pleno siglo XXI.

[8] «Biragua»: Veragua, territorio colonial temprano que abarcaba regiones de Centro América que hoy día son (grosso modo) Nicaragua y Costa Rica.

On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America VII/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina VII

As we have seen from one of our previous entries, José de Acosta showed some very uncultivated attitudes towards the Incas and their technological characteristics. In this extract however, we find him actually praising their use of khipus. Khipus are knots that functioned like imperial public archives during the time of the Tawantinsuyu in the Andes. Today there is no definite consensus as to how these surviving khipus be read or interpreted. Here Acosta paints us a vivid picture, who knows, perhaps this century khipus will be deciphered and the Andes will have recovered yet another aspect of their fantastic culture that only seems to continue flowering in the 21^st century, while Europe and its cultural domain slowly sags away and putrefies like an uncultivated house plant; secure in its dwelling, but ever decomposing over time.

Vale. 

José de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of The Indies

From chapter 7

[on the nature of khipus]

“Khipus are a sort of memorial or register made of segments, in which various knots and various colours mean various things. It’s incredible the level they have attained with them, as much as books can speak of stories, and laws and ceremonies, and commerce records, all this the khipus can carry out, so precisely, that it’s worthy of admiration. It was necessary in order to have these khipus or memorial, qualified officials who are called today khipu kamayuq[1], who are obligated to keep an account of everything, like the public scribes here[2], and thus full credit should be given to them. For in varied topics, like war, government, tributes, ceremonies, land, there were various [types of] khipu or segments. And in each handful of these, [were] so many knots and little tangles, and minutely tied threads; some coloured, others green, some blue, others white, in a word, in so many variations, that just as we ourselves extract an infinity of words from twenty four letters seasoned in different manners, thus in their knots and colours did they extract innumerable meanings for things. And this is of such a way in Peru that it occurs, that after two or three years, when they take up residency with a corrector[3], the Indians appear with their minute and revised accounts, saying that in such a village he was given six eggs, and that he didn’t pay for them, or in such a house [he didn’t pay for] a chicken, and that over yonder [was given] two bunches of herbs for his horses, and paid nothing but for only a few tomins[4], and that he ended up owning such an amount; and for all of this, having carried out the checking there on site with the number of knots and bunches of threads which as witnesses and certain record. I saw one bunch of these threads, in which an Indian woman had brought recorded a general confession of her life, and they did their confession with them, as I would have done with pen and paper, and I inquired still about a few threads that seemed different to me, and were particular circumstances that required the sinner to wholly confess. 

Besides these thread khipus, they have another variety with pebbles, with which they precisely learn the words that they wish to commit to memory. And it is a sight to behold the old men already frail with a wheel made from pebbles, learn the Pater Noster, and another one for the Ave Maria, another for the Credo, and know which pebble speaks of the one conceived by the Holy Spirit[5], and which reads he suffered under Pontius Pilate[6], and you have but to see them correcting themselves when they make a mistake, and the whole correction consists of [them] gazing upon their pebbles, which in my case, so as to make me forget all that I know from memory, one of those wheels would suffice[7].  Of this [kind] there are usually not a small amount [found] in the church cemeteries, for this motive; of observing them [with] another type of khipu in which they use kernels of corn, which is a charming thing. Because a fastidious calculation, in which a good computer would have to use ink and quill, so as to see how it adds up for them in the midst of so many [calculations], as much as with a taxation (subtracting one amount from here and adding another from over yonder) as with the other throngs of calculations by the hundred, these Indians will pick up their kernels and place one there, three over yonder, eight I don’t know where; they’ll lay one kernel from this spot, change three from somewhere else, and in effect, end up with their accounts precisely [in order] without a tilde out of place[8]; and they know how to put in order what is outstanding for each person to pay or give much better than we ourselves could achieve using ink and quill. If this not be [an example of] genius and these men are beasts, let him be the judge of that, whoever he may be, for what I judge to be the case is that in all in which they apply themselves, they are far ahead of us”.

---

[1] Lit. “those responsible for the khipu”.

[2] In Spain.

[3] A type of colonist paid by the Spanish crown to inculcate European customs in America, such as language and religion, as if to “correct” them of their pagan ways. If we are to believe the drawings of Waman Poma de Ayala, they would also not have been averse to handing out physical punishment/abuse to natives, probably when they felt like it. 

[4] gold coin used in Spain during the middle ages. The DRAE defines it thusly: «Cincuentava parte del marco oro, equivalente a ocho tomines o a unos 46 dg.». [“One fiftieth of a part of the golden mark, equivalent to eight tomins or around 46 decigrams”].

[5] Matt. 1:20; Lk. 1:35. 

[6] From the Credo, IV.

[7] That is, he wouldn’t need to memorize things anymore, he’d have his memory at his fingertips, just by using the pebbles.

[8] Basically he means with all the t’s and i’s crossed and dotted.

[texto original]

José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las indias.

cap. VII.

[sobre los quipos]

«Son quipos, unos memoriales o registros hechos de ramales, en que diversos ñudos y diversas colores, significan diversas cosas. Es increíble lo que en este modo alcanzaron, cuanto los libros pueden decir de historias, y leyes y ceremonias, y cuentas de negocios, todo eso suplen los quipos tan puntualmente[1], que admira. Había para tener estos quipos o memoriales, oficiales diputados que se llaman hoy día quipo camayo, los cuales eran obligados a dar cuenta de cada cosa, como los escribanos públicos acá, y así se les había de dar entero crédito. Porque para diversos géneros como de guerra, de gobierno, de tributos, de ceremonias, de tierras, había diversos quipos o ramales. Y en cada manojo de éstos, tantos ñudos y ñudicos, y hilillos atados; unos colorados, otros verdes, otros azules, otros blancos, finalmente tantas diferencias, que así como nosotros de veinte y cuatro letras guisándolas en diferentes maneras sacamos tanta infinidad de vocablos, así éstos de sus ñudos y colores, sacaban innumerables significaciones de cosas. Es esto de manera que[2] hoy día acaece en el Perú[3], a cabo de dos y tres años, cuando van a tomar residencia a un corregidor, salir los indios con sus cuentas menudas y averiguadas, diciendo[4] que en tal pueblo le dieron seis huevos, y no los pagó, y en tal casa una gallina, y acullá dos haces de yerba para sus caballos, y no pagó sino tantos tomines, y queda debiendo tantos; y para todo esto, hecha la averiguación allí al pie de la obra con cuantidad de ñudos y manojos de cuerdas que dan por testigos y escritura cierta. Yo vi un manojo de estos hilos, en que una india traía escrita una confesión general de toda su vida, y por ellos se confesaba, como yo lo hiciera por papel escrito, y aún pregunté de algunos hilillos que me parecieron algo diferentes, y eran ciertas circunstancias que requería el pecado para confesarle enteramente. Fuera de estos quipos de hilo, tienen otros de pedrezuelas, por donde puntualmente aprenden las palabras que quieren tomar de memoria. Y es cosa de ver a viejos ya caducos con una rueda hecha de pedrezuelas, aprender el Padre Nuestro, y con otra el Ave María, y con otra el Credo, y saber cuál piedra es que fue concebido de Espíritu Santo, y cuál que padeció debajo del poder de Poncio Pilato[5], y no hay más que verlos enmendar cuando yerran, y toda la enmienda consiste en mirar sus pedrezuelas, que a mí para hacerme olvidar cuanto sé de coro[6], me bastará una rueda de aquellas. De esta[s] suele haber no pocas en los cementerios [7]de las iglesias, para este efecto; pues verles otra suerte de quipos que usan de granos de maíz, es cosa que encanta. Porque una cuenta muy embarazosa, en que tendrá un muy buen contador que hacer por pluma y tinta, para ver a cómo les cabe entre tantos, tanto de contribución, sacando tanto de acullá y añadiendo tanto de acá, con otras cien retartalillas[8], tomarán estos indios sus granos y pondrán [9]uno aquí, tres acullá, ocho no sé dónde; pasarán un grano de aquí, trocarán tres de acullá, y en efecto ellos salen con su cuenta hecha puntualísimamente, sin errar un tilde; y mucho mejor se saben ellos poner en cuenta y razón[10] de lo que cabe a cada uno de pagar o dar, que sabremos nosotros dárselo por pluma y tinta averiguado. Si esto no es ingenio y si estos hombres son bestias, júzguelo quien quisiere, que lo que yo juzgo de cierto, es que en aquello a que se aplican nos hacen grandes ventajas».

-José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las indias, 1590.

---

[1] «puntualmente»: con precisión.  

[2] «de manera que»: de suerte que, tal que.

[3] 1590: «Pirú».

[4] 1590: «pidiendo».

[5] Del Credo IV: «Jesucristo padeció bajo el poder de Poncio Pilato, fue crucificado, muerto y sepultado».

[6] «de coro»: de memoria.

[7] 1590: «cimenterios».

[8] «retartalillas»: 1. f. pl. Retahíla de palabras, charlatanería (DRAE).

[9] 1590: «pornán».

[10] « poner en cuenta y razón» poner en orden.  

Gallery:

A khipu, a writing system waiting to be rediscovered and

used again in the 21st century?

On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America VI/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina VI

Returning to Oviedo’s A Natural and General History of the Indies, today’s entry focuses on a fishing technique recorded by Oviedo, and written with some fine detail. The “Indians” (originally derived from the Latin indigo, the colour indigo) in question (if the paragraph is to be believed) are most likely Taínos, being the most prominent Caribbean culture encountered by Colombus and his men. Like everything connected to him, it may be apocryphal and in fact he could just be referring to the Indonesian or Philippine Archipelago, the so-called "East Indies". Still, the description is vividly written, so I include it in the series. 

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, A General and Natural History of The Indies.

From chapter 8

[A Caribbean manner of fishing]

“I want to mention here a manner of fishing that the Indians of Cuba and Jamaica use at sea, and another manner of hunting and fishing technique that is also used by the said Indians of these two islands when they hunt for wild geese; and it’s in this manner: there is a fish the size of a palm, or a little bigger, that is called remora, ugly to the eye, but of enormous sprit and cunning; of which it frequently occurs that, among other types of fish, they are captured in nets, (I have eaten many of these). And the Indians, when they wish to retain and farm some of them, they keep them in seawater, wherein they feed them, and when they wish to use one for fishing, they bring it to sea in their canoe or boat, and place it here in the water, and tie it with a thin string, but taut, and when they spot any large fish, like a tortoise [1]or shad[2], which exist out on those seas, or any other [creature] that it may be, which happens to tread waters or in a way that it be visible, the Indian takes this remora fish in his hand and praises it with other, saying to it in his own tongue that it be in good spirits and have a strong heart and be diligent, and other exhortative words [said] with vigour, and that it procure to be bold and latch on to the largest and best fish that it should come by out there; and when he deems it fit, he releases it and launches it towards where the fish are, and said remora flies like an arrow, and latches hold of the side of the tortoise, or its belly or wherever it is able to, and clings on to the tortoise (or any other large fish, or any other [creature] that it wishes [to cling to]). The which, as it feels itself being attacked by that small fish, in the waters flees from one place to another, while the Indian does nothing but tug and stretch the cord at every point, which measures several fathoms, and to the end of it is tied a cork or stake, or something light as a marker that should stay above water, and within a short while, the large fish or tortoise to which the remora clings itself to, weary, approaches coastal land, and the Indian begins to grab hold of the string in his canoe or boat, and when he has but a few fathoms to go, begins to throw them [toward the shore], purposefully, pace by pace, and throws them guiding the remora and the fish to which it’s clinging on to, until they reach land, and as it is about 4 and a half to 9 square metres [from land]; the very waves of the sea prompt it out [of the water], and the Indian at the same time grabs hold of it and takes it out [from the water] until he can get it dry; and when the hunted fish is then taken out of water, with much care, pace by pace, he gives words of thanks to the remora which carried out its task and worked and detaches it from the fish to which it thusly clung on to, and was so greatly latched on to it, that if he tried to separate the two with force, he would kill the said remora or break it in to pieces”.

---

[1] Obviously not a fish, rather a reptile of the order Testudinidae.

[2] Alosinae, part of the herring family Clupeidae.

[texto original]

«Quiero decir aquí una manera de pescar que los indios de Cuba y Jamaica usan en la mar, y otra manera de caza y pesquería que también en estas dos islas los dichos indios de ellas hacen cuando cazan y pescan las ánsares bravas, y es de esta manera: hay unos pescados tan grandes como un palmo, o algo más, que se llama pexe reverso[1], feo al parecer, pero de grandísimo ánimo y entendimiento; el cual acaece que algunas veces, entre otros pescados, los toman en redes (de los cuales yo he comido muchos). E los indios, cuando quieren guardar y criar algunos de éstos, tiénenlo en agua de la mar, y allí danle a comer, y cuando quieren pescar con él, llévanle a la mar en su canoa o barca, y tiénenlo allí en agua, y átanle una cuerda delgada, pero recia, y cuando ven algún pescado grande, así como tortuga o sábalo, que los hay grandes en aquellas mares, u[2] otro cualquier que sea, que acaece andar sobre aguados [3]o de manera que se pueden ver, el indio toma en la mano este pescado reverso y halágalo con la otra, diciéndole en su lengua que sea animoso y de buen corazón y diligente, y otras palabras exhortatorias a esfuerzo, y que mire que sea osado y aferre con el pescado mayor y mejor que allí viere; y cuando le parece, le suelta y lanza hacia donde los pescados andan, y el dicho reverso va como una saeta, y aferra por un costado con una tortuga, o en el vientre o donde puede, y pégase con ella o con otro pescado grande, o con el que quiere. El cual, como siente estar asido de aquel pequeño pescado, huye por la mar a una parte y a otra, y en tanto [4]el indio no hace sino dar y alargar la cuerda de todo punto, la cual es de muchas brazas, y en el fin de ella va atado un corcho o un palo, o cosa ligera, por señal y que esté sobre el agua, y en poco proceso de tiempo, el pescado o tortuga grande con quien el dicho reverso se aferró, cansado, viene hacia la costa de tierra, y el indio comienza a coger su cordel en su canoa o barca y cuando tiene pocas brazas por coger, comienza a tirar con tiento poco a poco, y tirar guiando el reverso y el pescado con quien está asido, hasta que se lleguen a la tierra, y como está a medio estado [5]o uno; las ondas mismas de la mar lo echan para fuera, y el indio asimismo le aferra y saca hasta lo poner en seco; y cuando ya está fuera del agua el pescado preso, con mucho tiento, poco a poco, y dando por muchas palabras las gracias al reverso de lo que ha hecho y trabajado, lo despega del otro pescado grande que así tomó, y viene tan apretado y fijo con él, que si con fuerza lo despegase, lo rompería o despedazaría el dicho reverso».

-Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias (1535-1557).

---

[1] «peje reverso»: rémora.

[2] 1535: «o».

[3] «aguados»: entiéndase aguas.

[4] «en tanto»: entretanto.

[5] «estado»: 11. m. Medida de superficie que tenía 49 pies cuadrados (DRAE).

Gallery:

a remora, certainly ugly to the eye

American shad

On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America V/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina V

Once again we return to Oviedo’s A general and natural history of The Indies, (1535). Interestingly, in the original edition and a later one (from 1851) there is an illustration of today’s topic: the Caribbean “caney”; this was the standard domestic structure favoured by the Taíno before European contact and colonization. It describes its construction in some detail, almost to the point of tempting one to try their hand at making one, all you need is a beautiful and warm climate in which to set up shop. Vale.

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, General and natural history of The Indies

[a description of the Haitian dwelling]

“Chapter one

Regarding the houses and dwellings of the Indians of this island Hispaniola, also called Haiti.

The Indians of this island of Haiti or Hispaniola lived by the coast or shores of the rivers, or near the sea, or in settlements that they most preferred or in which they intended to dwell in, like in places of altitude such as the highlands, or in valleys or forests for just in the way that they saw it fit, thus did they construct their villages and developed an aptitude therein. And next to their houses they had their tillage conucos (what they call their homestead) consisting of cornfields, cassava root and coppices of fruit trees. And in each public square in the town or village, was a designated place for a game of ball (which they call batey); and also at the village borders there was again, a place set up with seats so that people could watch the game, and of greater size than those found in the public squares, which shall be dealt with at length in the following chapter.

Let us return to the topic of the houses in which they dwelt, the which, usually they call buhío on all of these islands, (the word means to say house or dwelling); but verily, in the Haitian language the buhío or house is called eracra. These eracras or buhíos are made in one of two ways: and in both ways they are made according to the will of the builder. And one of the ways was thus: they nail many posts across the area, of good wood, each one proportioned and forming a circuit measuring a width of four or five paces from one post to the other, or within the space that they so wish it to be from post to post.

And on top of them, after being nailed in to the ground, above the cortex at the very top, the wooden slabs are inserted; and above these they insert the [supporting] pole through them (which is the support for the roof covering); the cortices or thick side of the poles, [being placed] above the aforementioned wooden slabs, with the thinnest part on top, where all of the points of the poles join and meet perpendicularly, in the manner of a pavilion. And upon the poles they place transversely, canes or beams measuring a palm each (or less) [placed] in pairs or separately; and they cover the top of this with long and fine hay; some use bihao[1] leaves; others with cane roots; others with palm leaves and also with other materials. On the base, in stead of walls from the poles to the ground, from post to post they place canes hammered in the earth, and so tightly bound like the fingers of the hand held together; and each one identical to the next, they form a wall, and they tie the canes well with bejucos[2] (which are round veins or bands that grow dishevelledly, similar to trees, of which they themselves also hang from, like knotgrass); and these bejucos are very good tying material, for they are flexible and cuttable, they do not rot, and they serve as a nailing utensil and for joining in lieu of strings and nails when tying one piece of wood to another, and also for the tying of the canes themselves.

The buhío or house constructed in this manner is called a caney. They are the best and most secure dwellings, more than others for protection against the air since it doesn’t let it in completely. These bejucos that I have mentioned, or linking, are encountered as much as one would like, and [are] as thick or fine as needs be. Occasionally they cleave them apart when tying slender things, like the wicker that is made in Castile to tie barrel hoops[3]. And not only does the bejuco serve for what has been stated, it is also medicinal; and there exist many genera of bejucos, as will be stated in due course later on, when we shall treat herbs and plants and medicinal trees and their properties.

With this manner of house, or caney, in order for it to be strong and the entire construction and framework to be held well in place, it needs to have a post in the centre of the appropriate thickness, and should be fixed into the earth at a depth of four or five palms, and should reach up to the highest tip or capital of the buhío: to which all of the pole points must be tied. The said post must be like the one found in a pavilion or country shop, such as the those used by the naval fleets and royals[4] in Spain and Italy, for on such a mast is joined the entire house or caney. And so this be better understood, I here insert the form or figure of the caney, so that it may suffice for it to be understood”.

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[1] Calathea lutea.

[2] lianas.

[3] Fernández de Oviedo inadvertently informs us that wicker was used for barrel hoops in Spain before metal became standard.

[4] a type of ship, which according to the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española, “was equipped with three bridges and more than 120 canons”.  [Dicho de un navío: Que estaba provisto de tres puentes y más de 120 cañones. DRAE.].

[Texto original]

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias

[descripción de la morada haitiana (taína)]

«CAPÍTULO PRIMERO

El cual tracta de las casas y moradas de los indios desta isla Española, por otro nombre llamada Haití.

Vivían los indios desta isla de Haití o Española en las costas o riberas de los ríos, o cerca de la mar, o en los asientos que más les agradaban o eran en su propósito, así en lugares altos como en los llanos, o en valles e floresta porque de la manera que querían, así hacían sus poblaciones e hallaban dispusición para ello. E junto a sus lugares tenían sus labranzas e conucos (que así llaman sus heredamientos), de maizales e yuca, e arboledas de fructales. Y en cada plaza que había en el pueblo o villa, estaba lugar diputado para el juego de la pelota (que, ellos llaman batey); y también a las salidas de los pueblos había asimismo sitio puesto con asientos para los que mirasen el juego, e mayores que los de las plazas, de lo cual en el capítulo siguiente se tractará más largo.

Tornemos a las casas en que moraban, las cuales, comúnmente, llaman buhío en estas islas todas (que quiere decir casa o morada); pero, propriamente, en la lengua de Haití, el buhío o casa se llama eracra. Estas eracras o buhíos son en una de dos maneras; e en ambas se hacían, segund la voluntad del edificador. Y la una forma era aquesta: hincaban muchos postes a la redonda[1], de buena madera, y de la groseza, cada uno, conviniente, y en circuito, a cuatro o cinco pasos el un poste del otro, o en el espacio que querían que hobiese de poste a poste. E sobre ellos, después de hincados en tierra, por encima de las cabezas, en lo alto, pónenles sus soleras; e sobre aquéllas ponen en torno la varazón (que es la templadura para la cubierta); las cabezas o grueso de las varas, sobre las soleras que es dicho, e lo delgado para arriba, donde todas las puntas de las varas se juntan e resumen en punta, a manera de pabellón. E sobre las varas ponen, de través, cañas o latas de palmo a palmo (o menos), de dos en dos, o sencillas; e sobre aquesto cubren de paja delgada e luenga, otros cubren con hojas de bihaos; otros con cogollos de cañas; otros con hojas de palmas, y también con otras cosas. En la bajo, en lugar de paredes desde la solera a tierra, de poste a poste ponen cañas hincadas en tierra, someras, e tan juntas como los dedos de la mano juntos; e una a par de otra, hacen pared, e átanlas muy bien con bejucos (que son unas venas o correas redondas que se crían revuelta, a los árboles, y también colgando dellos, como la correhuela); los cuales bejucos son muy buena atadura, porque son flexíbiles e tajables, e no se pudren, e sirven de clavazón e ligazón, en lugar de cuerdas y de clavos, para atar un madero con otro, e para atar las cañas asimismo.

El buhío o casa de tal manera fecho, llamase caney. Son mejores e más seguras moradas que otras, para defensa del aire, porque no las coge tan de lleno. Estos bejucos que he dicho, o ligazón, se hallan dellos cuantos quieren, e tan gruesos o delgados como son menester. Algunas veces los hienden para atar cosas delgadas, como hacen en Castilla los mimbres para atar los aros [2]de las cubas. Y no solamente sirve el bejuco para lo que es dicho, pero también es medicinal; e hay diversos géneros de bejucos, como se dirá en su lugar, adelante, cuando se tracte de las hierbas e plantas e árboles medicinales e sus propriedades.

Esta manera de casa o caney, para que sea fuerte e bien trabada la obra e armazón toda, ha de tener en medio un poste o mástel de la groseza que convenga, e que se fije en tierra cuatro o cinco palmos hondo, e que alcance hasta la punta o capitel más alto del buhío; al cual se han de atar todas las puntas de las varas. El cual poste ha de estar como aquel que suele haber en un pabellón o tienda de campo, como se traen en los ejércitos e reales en España e Italia, porque por aquel mástel está fija la casa toda o caney. Y porque[3] mejor se entienda esto, pongo aquí la manera o figura del caney, como baste a ser entendido».

Ilustración tomada de la edición de 1851

De la edición original 1535

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[1] «a la redonda»: alrededor.

[2] 1535: «arcos».

[3] «porque»: para que.