On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America VI/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina VI


Returning to Oviedo’s A Natural and General History of the Indies, today’s entry focuses on a fishing technique recorded by Oviedo, and written with some fine detail. The “Indians” (originally derived from the Latin indigo, the colour indigo) in question (if the paragraph is to be believed) are most likely Taínos, being the most prominent Caribbean culture encountered by Colombus and his men. Like everything connected to him, it may be apocryphal and in fact he could just be referring to the Indonesian or Philippine Archipelago, the so-called "East Indies". Still, the description is vividly written, so I include it in the series. 

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, A General and Natural History of The Indies.

From chapter 8

[A Caribbean manner of fishing]

“I want to mention here a manner of fishing that the Indians of Cuba and Jamaica use at sea, and another manner of hunting and fishing technique that is also used by the said Indians of these two islands when they hunt for wild geese; and it’s in this manner: there is a fish the size of a palm, or a little bigger, that is called remora, ugly to the eye, but of enormous sprit and cunning; of which it frequently occurs that, among other types of fish, they are captured in nets, (I have eaten many of these). And the Indians, when they wish to retain and farm some of them, they keep them in seawater, wherein they feed them, and when they wish to use one for fishing, they bring it to sea in their canoe or boat, and place it here in the water, and tie it with a thin string, but taut, and when they spot any large fish, like a tortoise [1]or shad[2], which exist out on those seas, or any other [creature] that it may be, which happens to tread waters or in a way that it be visible, the Indian takes this remora fish in his hand and praises it with other, saying to it in his own tongue that it be in good spirits and have a strong heart and be diligent, and other exhortative words [said] with vigour, and that it procure to be bold and latch on to the largest and best fish that it should come by out there; and when he deems it fit, he releases it and launches it towards where the fish are, and said remora flies like an arrow, and latches hold of the side of the tortoise, or its belly or wherever it is able to, and clings on to the tortoise (or any other large fish, or any other [creature] that it wishes [to cling to]). The which, as it feels itself being attacked by that small fish, in the waters flees from one place to another, while the Indian does nothing but tug and stretch the cord at every point, which measures several fathoms, and to the end of it is tied a cork or stake, or something light as a marker that should stay above water, and within a short while, the large fish or tortoise to which the remora clings itself to, weary, approaches coastal land, and the Indian begins to grab hold of the string in his canoe or boat, and when he has but a few fathoms to go, begins to throw them [toward the shore], purposefully, pace by pace, and throws them guiding the remora and the fish to which it’s clinging on to, until they reach land, and as it is about 4 and a half to 9 square metres [from land]; the very waves of the sea prompt it out [of the water], and the Indian at the same time grabs hold of it and takes it out [from the water] until he can get it dry; and when the hunted fish is then taken out of water, with much care, pace by pace, he gives words of thanks to the remora which carried out its task and worked and detaches it from the fish to which it thusly clung on to, and was so greatly latched on to it, that if he tried to separate the two with force, he would kill the said remora or break it in to pieces”.




[1] Obviously not a fish, rather a reptile of the order Testudinidae.
[2] Alosinae, part of the herring family Clupeidae.





[texto original]

«Quiero decir aquí una manera de pescar que los indios de Cuba y Jamaica usan en la mar, y otra manera de caza y pesquería que también en estas dos islas los dichos indios de ellas hacen cuando cazan y pescan las ánsares bravas, y es de esta manera: hay unos pescados tan grandes como un palmo, o algo más, que se llama pexe reverso[1], feo al parecer, pero de grandísimo ánimo y entendimiento; el cual acaece que algunas veces, entre otros pescados, los toman en redes (de los cuales yo he comido muchos). E los indios, cuando quieren guardar y criar algunos de éstos, tiénenlo en agua de la mar, y allí danle a comer, y cuando quieren pescar con él, llévanle a la mar en su canoa o barca, y tiénenlo allí en agua, y átanle una cuerda delgada, pero recia, y cuando ven algún pescado grande, así como tortuga o sábalo, que los hay grandes en aquellas mares, u[2] otro cualquier que sea, que acaece andar sobre aguados [3]o de manera que se pueden ver, el indio toma en la mano este pescado reverso y halágalo con la otra, diciéndole en su lengua que sea animoso y de buen corazón y diligente, y otras palabras exhortatorias a esfuerzo, y que mire que sea osado y aferre con el pescado mayor y mejor que allí viere; y cuando le parece, le suelta y lanza hacia donde los pescados andan, y el dicho reverso va como una saeta, y aferra por un costado con una tortuga, o en el vientre o donde puede, y pégase con ella o con otro pescado grande, o con el que quiere. El cual, como siente estar asido de aquel pequeño pescado, huye por la mar a una parte y a otra, y en tanto [4]el indio no hace sino dar y alargar la cuerda de todo punto, la cual es de muchas brazas, y en el fin de ella va atado un corcho o un palo, o cosa ligera, por señal y que esté sobre el agua, y en poco proceso de tiempo, el pescado o tortuga grande con quien el dicho reverso se aferró, cansado, viene hacia la costa de tierra, y el indio comienza a coger su cordel en su canoa o barca y cuando tiene pocas brazas por coger, comienza a tirar con tiento poco a poco, y tirar guiando el reverso y el pescado con quien está asido, hasta que se lleguen a la tierra, y como está a medio estado [5]o uno; las ondas mismas de la mar lo echan para fuera, y el indio asimismo le aferra y saca hasta lo poner en seco; y cuando ya está fuera del agua el pescado preso, con mucho tiento, poco a poco, y dando por muchas palabras las gracias al reverso de lo que ha hecho y trabajado, lo despega del otro pescado grande que así tomó, y viene tan apretado y fijo con él, que si con fuerza lo despegase, lo rompería o despedazaría el dicho reverso».

-Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias (1535-1557).




[1] «peje reverso»: rémora.
[2] 1535: «o».
[3] «aguados»: entiéndase aguas.
[4] «en tanto»: entretanto.
[5] «estado»: 11. m. Medida de superficie que tenía 49 pies cuadrados (DRAE).



Gallery:

a remora, certainly ugly to the eye




American shad

On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America V/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina V

Once again we return to Oviedo’s A general and natural history of The Indies, (1535). Interestingly, in the original edition and a later one (from 1851) there is an illustration of today’s topic: the Caribbean “caney”; this was the standard domestic structure favoured by the Taíno before European contact and colonization. It describes its construction in some detail, almost to the point of tempting one to try their hand at making one, all you need is a beautiful and warm climate in which to set up shop. Vale.



Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, General and natural history of The Indies
[a description of the Haitian dwelling]
“Chapter one

Regarding the houses and dwellings of the Indians of this island Hispaniola, also called Haiti.

The Indians of this island of Haiti or Hispaniola lived by the coast or shores of the rivers, or near the sea, or in settlements that they most preferred or in which they intended to dwell in, like in places of altitude such as the highlands, or in valleys or forests for just in the way that they saw it fit, thus did they construct their villages and developed an aptitude therein. And next to their houses they had their tillage conucos (what they call their homestead) consisting of cornfields, cassava root and coppices of fruit trees. And in each public square in the town or village, was a designated place for a game of ball (which they call batey); and also at the village borders there was again, a place set up with seats so that people could watch the game, and of greater size than those found in the public squares, which shall be dealt with at length in the following chapter.
Let us return to the topic of the houses in which they dwelt, the which, usually they call buhío on all of these islands, (the word means to say house or dwelling); but verily, in the Haitian language the buhío or house is called eracra. These eracras or buhíos are made in one of two ways: and in both ways they are made according to the will of the builder. And one of the ways was thus: they nail many posts across the area, of good wood, each one proportioned and forming a circuit measuring a width of four or five paces from one post to the other, or within the space that they so wish it to be from post to post.
And on top of them, after being nailed in to the ground, above the cortex at the very top, the wooden slabs are inserted; and above these they insert the [supporting] pole through them (which is the support for the roof covering); the cortices or thick side of the poles, [being placed] above the aforementioned wooden slabs, with the thinnest part on top, where all of the points of the poles join and meet perpendicularly, in the manner of a pavilion. And upon the poles they place transversely, canes or beams measuring a palm each (or less) [placed] in pairs or separately; and they cover the top of this with long and fine hay; some use bihao[1] leaves; others with cane roots; others with palm leaves and also with other materials. On the base, in stead of walls from the poles to the ground, from post to post they place canes hammered in the earth, and so tightly bound like the fingers of the hand held together; and each one identical to the next, they form a wall, and they tie the canes well with bejucos[2] (which are round veins or bands that grow dishevelledly, similar to trees, of which they themselves also hang from, like knotgrass); and these bejucos are very good tying material, for they are flexible and cuttable, they do not rot, and they serve as a nailing utensil and for joining in lieu of strings and nails when tying one piece of wood to another, and also for the tying of the canes themselves.
The buhío or house constructed in this manner is called a caney. They are the best and most secure dwellings, more than others for protection against the air since it doesn’t let it in completely. These bejucos that I have mentioned, or linking, are encountered as much as one would like, and [are] as thick or fine as needs be. Occasionally they cleave them apart when tying slender things, like the wicker that is made in Castile to tie barrel hoops[3]. And not only does the bejuco serve for what has been stated, it is also medicinal; and there exist many genera of bejucos, as will be stated in due course later on, when we shall treat herbs and plants and medicinal trees and their properties.
With this manner of house, or caney, in order for it to be strong and the entire construction and framework to be held well in place, it needs to have a post in the centre of the appropriate thickness, and should be fixed into the earth at a depth of four or five palms, and should reach up to the highest tip or capital of the buhío: to which all of the pole points must be tied. The said post must be like the one found in a pavilion or country shop, such as the those used by the naval fleets and royals[4] in Spain and Italy, for on such a mast is joined the entire house or caney. And so this be better understood, I here insert the form or figure of the caney, so that it may suffice for it to be understood”.



[1] Calathea lutea.
[2] lianas.
[3] Fernández de Oviedo inadvertently informs us that wicker was used for barrel hoops in Spain before metal became standard.
[4] a type of ship, which according to the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española, “was equipped with three bridges and more than 120 canons”.  [Dicho de un navío: Que estaba provisto de tres puentes y más de 120 cañones. DRAE.].


[Texto original]


Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias
[descripción de la morada haitiana (taína)]

«CAPÍTULO PRIMERO
El cual tracta de las casas y moradas de los indios desta isla Española, por otro nombre llamada Haití.
Vivían los indios desta isla de Haití o Española en las costas o riberas de los ríos, o cerca de la mar, o en los asientos que más les agradaban o eran en su propósito, así en lugares altos como en los llanos, o en valles e floresta porque de la manera que querían, así hacían sus poblaciones e hallaban dispusición para ello. E junto a sus lugares tenían sus labranzas e conucos (que así llaman sus heredamientos), de maizales e yuca, e arboledas de fructales. Y en cada plaza que había en el pueblo o villa, estaba lugar diputado para el juego de la pelota (que, ellos llaman batey); y también a las salidas de los pueblos había asimismo sitio puesto con asientos para los que mirasen el juego, e mayores que los de las plazas, de lo cual en el capítulo siguiente se tractará más largo.

Tornemos a las casas en que moraban, las cuales, comúnmente, llaman buhío en estas islas todas (que quiere decir casa o morada); pero, propriamente, en la lengua de Haití, el buhío o casa se llama eracra. Estas eracras o buhíos son en una de dos maneras; e en ambas se hacían, segund la voluntad del edificador. Y la una forma era aquesta: hincaban muchos postes a la redonda[1], de buena madera, y de la groseza, cada uno, conviniente, y en circuito, a cuatro o cinco pasos el un poste del otro, o en el espacio que querían que hobiese de poste a poste. E sobre ellos, después de hincados en tierra, por encima de las cabezas, en lo alto, pónenles sus soleras; e sobre aquéllas ponen en torno la varazón (que es la templadura para la cubierta); las cabezas o grueso de las varas, sobre las soleras que es dicho, e lo delgado para arriba, donde todas las puntas de las varas se juntan e resumen en punta, a manera de pabellón. E sobre las varas ponen, de través, cañas o latas de palmo a palmo (o menos), de dos en dos, o sencillas; e sobre aquesto cubren de paja delgada e luenga, otros cubren con hojas de bihaos; otros con cogollos de cañas; otros con hojas de palmas, y también con otras cosas. En la bajo, en lugar de paredes desde la solera a tierra, de poste a poste ponen cañas hincadas en tierra, someras, e tan juntas como los dedos de la mano juntos; e una a par de otra, hacen pared, e átanlas muy bien con bejucos (que son unas venas o correas redondas que se crían revuelta, a los árboles, y también colgando dellos, como la correhuela); los cuales bejucos son muy buena atadura, porque son flexíbiles e tajables, e no se pudren, e sirven de clavazón e ligazón, en lugar de cuerdas y de clavos, para atar un madero con otro, e para atar las cañas asimismo.
El buhío o casa de tal manera fecho, llamase caney. Son mejores e más seguras moradas que otras, para defensa del aire, porque no las coge tan de lleno. Estos bejucos que he dicho, o ligazón, se hallan dellos cuantos quieren, e tan gruesos o delgados como son menester. Algunas veces los hienden para atar cosas delgadas, como hacen en Castilla los mimbres para atar los aros [2]de las cubas. Y no solamente sirve el bejuco para lo que es dicho, pero también es medicinal; e hay diversos géneros de bejucos, como se dirá en su lugar, adelante, cuando se tracte de las hierbas e plantas e árboles medicinales e sus propriedades.
Esta manera de casa o caney, para que sea fuerte e bien trabada la obra e armazón toda, ha de tener en medio un poste o mástel de la groseza que convenga, e que se fije en tierra cuatro o cinco palmos hondo, e que alcance hasta la punta o capitel más alto del buhío; al cual se han de atar todas las puntas de las varas. El cual poste ha de estar como aquel que suele haber en un pabellón o tienda de campo, como se traen en los ejércitos e reales en España e Italia, porque por aquel mástel está fija la casa toda o caney. Y porque[3] mejor se entienda esto, pongo aquí la manera o figura del caney, como baste a ser entendido».

Ilustración tomada de la edición de 1851



De la edición original 1535




[1] «a la redonda»: alrededor.
[2] 1535: «arcos».
[3] «porque»: para que. 

On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America IV/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina IV


This entry focuses on Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo and his A general and natural history of The Indies, published in Valladolid in 1535. Oviedo was the first chronicler licensed by Carlos V of Spain to write about the newly discovered continent. I include it because it mentions the greater bird-of-paradise, a “bird of God” as he calls it. It also mentions a custom practised by the Caribbean natives; that they would eat raw ginger like it were bread.
These were observations made by and penned Pigafetta, who wrote his Relazione del primo viaggio intorno al mondo in 1524-25, and Oviedo's translation is a paraphrase. I found the image of them eating it like this and also the custom in itself very fascinating to ponder. It should be reintroduced, it could have been called “taíno bread”, we’d have more people eating ginger and less inflammation.

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, A general and natural history of The Indies

“In chapter 97 he recalls that incredibly beautiful bird which he previously mentioned elsewhere, and which is believed to come from the earthly paradise, and here [on the island] they call it bolom diwata[1], which means in that language[2] “bird of God”. In chapter 98 he mentions ginger, and although elsewhere he made some mention of it, it is not as specific as it is here. The said author expresses it thus: “crude ginger is eaten as if it were bread, because being crude, it isn’t as strong as when dried. It is not a tree, but a small plant that sprouts up from the earth with a few long boughs like a palm, similar to the ones found on canes, with similar leaves, but narrower and shorter; the which are no good at all, save the root, which is the ginger. Some villages are accustomed to drying it, treating it with lime, so it last longer”.
This gentleman concurs with what he said in the previous chapter, and he says that while the two remaining ships were preparing to set sail, and being loaded with spices, one of them leaked heavily, so they decided to abandon it, and since they couldn’t repair it without [wasting] much time and resources, they agreed that this one stay there, and that after being repaired it should return to Spain as best it could. He mentions this in chapter 99 of his account”.
-Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, A general and natural history of The Indies, (1535).




[1] Paradisaea apoda.The greater bird-of-paradise.
[2] Taíno.




[Texto original]



Del jengibre verde
[citando a Antonio Pigafetta]

«En el capítulo XCVII hace memoria este auctor [Pigafetta], de aquel pájaro tan prescioso de que en otras partes se ha fecho memoria de suso, que aquéllos piensan que viene del paraíso terrestre, y aquí le llama bolon divata[1], que dice en aquella lengua, «pájaro de Dios». En el capítulo CXVIII hace mención del jengibre, y aunque en otra parte se ha dicho dél alguna cosa, no es tan especificada como agora. Este auctor lo dice assí: "Cómese el jengibre verde como si fuese pan, porque siendo verde, no es tan fuerte como cuando está seco. No es árbol, sino una planta pequeña que sale fuera de la tierra con ciertos ramos luengos cuanto un palmo, como son los de la caña, con hojas semejantes, pero más estrechas y más cortas; las cuales no son buenas a cosa alguna, sino sola la raíz que es el jengibre. Aquellos pueblos lo suelen secar, poniéndole en cal, porque dure más tiempo[2]".

Concuerda este caballero con lo que se ha dicho en el capítulo precedente, y dice que estando para partirse las dos naos que les quedaron, y teniéndolas cargadas de especias, la una hacía tanta agua, que determinaron de la dejar, e porque no se podía adobar sino en mucho tiempo y con mucha costa, y acordaron que se quedase aquélla, y que después de adereszada, se viniese a España como mejor pudiese. Dícelo en su capítulo XCIX de su relación».

-Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias (1535-1557).




[1] «bolon diwata», también llamado «Mamuco Diata», ave del paraíso esmeralda grande (Paradisaea apoda).
[2] «In tutte queste isole se trova gingero; noi lo mangiavamo verde, come pane. Lo gingero non è albero, ma una pianta piccola, che pullula fuori de la terra certi coresini lunghi un palmo, come quelli de le canne e con le medesime foglie, ma più strette. Questi coresini non valeno niente; ma la sua radice è il zenzero, e non è così forte verde come secca. Questi popoli lo seccano in calcina, perchè altrimenti non durerebbe». Relazione del primo viaggio intorno al mondo, 1524-25.

On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America III/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina III


Unlike many other chroniclers of his time, Bartolomé de las Casas was more of a defender of Native American peoples during the initial stage of Spanish rule in the Americas. He criticizes Spanish colonists for their physical and mental abuse of natives. His Abridged Apologetic History was published in 1536, and as such it is one of the earlier chronicles of the 16th century. Today his opinions are regarded as exaggerated by some, but he was essentially justified in writing opprobria against the Spanish and was indeed not the only one, as Waman Poma de Ayala also informs us of many instances of colonial abuse committed by the European invaders. This extracts provides a description of Inca temples, notice how he employs the word "templo" as opposed to "mezquita" (mosque) as used by José de Acosta; in contrast, de las Casas's register is in a much more agreeable and humane tone, we can actually see that he respects the culture in which he is writing about.

Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, Abridged apologetic history.

[A description of the Inca temples in Cuzco]

“Titus Livy, regarding Jupiter, mentions that he had his abode worked in gold and the walls with gold leaf both covered o closed, but says nothing about there having been have been gold upon the pavement or the floor. Regarding the temples of Peru we know with certainty to be true that not only the abode and the walls were covered and overlaid in gold, but that the floor on which they tread was covered and worked in fine gold. And it is worth noting that these sheets of gold, of which Titus Livy says covered the walls of that grand temple of Jupiter, in Latin usually mean “thin leaves, like the leaves we call Milanese; but the pieces that adorned those Peruvian temples were leaves that couldn’t of weighed (even at their heaviest) ten castellanos[1], rather they were slabs measuring three palm’s length and a good two palms[2] wide and a finger[3] high, having the dimension of the backrests on our chairs, with each one weighing fifty castellanos, as has been stated. And so, what comparison can there be with the wealth and magnificence of that grand temple that Titus Livy and all the others so greatly esteemed, among which existed at the most, between three to five that we find highly celebrated among the idolaters and ancient gentiles, with the temple of great majesty which I had encountered in the province of Pasto, approaching the province of Quito? Wherein even now, one can observe the markings of the gold and silver slabs upon the walls, where all of them appear to have been covered in gold and silver, where there was also an enormous abundance of gold and silver vases for the wines and other items pertaining to the sacrifices and worship in the temple. Such were things never before in the world seen or heard of among the ancient gentiles, with respect to the number, quantity, diversity, dimensions, greatness and wealth of them, and such were all of the Sun Temples furnished”.






[1] gold coin used in Spain during the middle ages. The DRAE defines thusly: «Cincuentava parte del marco oro, equivalente a ocho tomines o a unos 46 dg.». [“One fiftieth of a part of the golden mark, equivalent to eight tomins or around 46 decigrams”].
[2] a «jeme» (from the Latin semis, “half”) is unit of measurement starting from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the index finger both extended as far as possible, usually around six inches or 6.2 inches. Unfortunately the term has no exact equivalent in English, the somewhat similar terms hand and span referring the measurements starting from the thumb to the side of the palm and from the tip of the thumb to the little finger respectively. A palm measures three inches in English units, so rendering jeme as “two palms” seemed more appropriate than just saying “six inches”. (Note from translator).
[3] unit of measurement consisting of the width of a human finger, defined by Webster’s Dictionary as “nearly an inch”, around ¾ of an inch. This measurement is also known as a digit.


[texto original]

«De aquél de Júpiter dice Tito Livio que tenía el zaquizamí labrado de oro y las paredes con hojas de oro cubiertas o cerradas, pero que hubiese[1] oro en el pavimento o suelo no dice nada. De los templos del Perú sabemos de cierto ser verdad que no sólo el zaquizamí y las paredes estaban cubiertas y enforradas [2]de oro, pero el suelo sobre que se andaba era de oro fino cubierto y aforrado. Y es aquí de notar que las láminas de oro, de que dice Tito [3]Livio que estaban cubiertas las paredes de aquel templo de Júpiter, significan en latín comúnmente hojas delgadas, como las hojas que llamamos de Milán; pero las piezas de que estaban cubiertos aquellos templos del Perú no eran hojas que pudiera pesar cada una, cuando más pesara, diez castellanos, sino eran planchas de tres palmos de largo y de un jeme bueno de ancho y de un dedo de grueso o de alto, de la hechura de los espaldares [4]de nuestras sillas de espaldas, que cada una pesaba quinientos castellanos, como queda declarado.

¿Y qué comparación puede haber de la riqueza y magnificencia de aquel templo que así encarece Tito Livio y de todos los demás, que fueron, cuando muchos, tres o cuatro o cinco los que hallamos muy celebrados entre los idólatras y gentiles antiguos, al templo de gran majestad que había pasada la provincia de Pasto, hacia la de Quito, del cual agora se ven [5]aún las señales de las planchas de oro y plata en las paredes, donde parece haber estado todas chapadas y cubiertas de oro y plata, donde también hubo [6]grandísima copia de vasijas de oro y de plata para los vinos y las otras cosas de los sacrificios y servicios del templo? Las cuales era cosa nunca en el mundo vista ni oída entre los antiguos gentiles, según el número, cantidad, diversidad, hechura y grandeza y riqueza dellas, de que estaban todos los templos del sol proveídos».

-Fray Bartolomé de las Casa, Apologética historia sumaria (1536).



[1] 1536: «hobiese».
[2] «enforradas»: cubiertas o superpuestas.
[3] 1536: «Titu».
[4] «espaldares»: respaldos.
[5] 1536: «veen».
[6] 1536: «hobo».


On the 16th century chronicles of Latin America II/ Sobre las crónicas de América Latina II



Continuing with the topic of the 16th century chronicles of Latin America, this entry focuses on an interesting description on the construction of bridges in the Pre-Columbian Tawantinsuyu. The writer is José de Acosta, a Jesuit from Medina del Campo, Valladolid in northern Spain (born 1539/40). His book on the Americas, Natural and Moral History of The Indies was published in Seville in 1590, an later translated into English in 1604. His work is written in a clear style, but shows many xenophobic and narrow-minded attitudes towards the Incas (and even against Muslims, as the footnotes will show) which became apparent during the translation of the text, which makes the work a dissonant and uncomfortable read in the 21st century considering how Peruvian culture has soared in the last century, with a booming tourism industry in this century. Even so, the fragment that follows is at least interesting in that it provides detailed information on how the Inca constructed straw bridges, mentioning the materials and techniques employed. 




José de Acosta, Natural and Moral history of The Indies

Chapter 14

“On the buildings and order of the Inca’s constructions

The buildings and constructions that the Incas made with their fortresses, temples, pathways, country houses and other [houses] were many and of excessive labour, as the ruins and fragments that have remained bear witness to, like the ones that are to be seen in Cuzco, and Tiawanaco and Tambo, and in other places, where there are stones of immense size, which one cannot fathom as to how they were carved and transported and ended up where they are.
For all of these buildings and fortresses that the Inca ordered to be built in Cuzco and in various parts of his kingdom, he made use of a large number of the provinces, as the labour is odd and is worthy of fright. They do not employ mortar[1] nor do they have iron nor steel to cut and work the stones, nor machines nor instruments[2] to transport them, and in spite of all that they are so beautifully worked, that in many places one can hardly note the gap between one stone to the next; and some of these stones are so large, as has been said, that it would be an unbelievable thing if one hadn’t seen it. In Tiawanaco, I myself measured one thirty eight foot long and eighteen feet across, with a thickness of around six feet, and in the wall of the fortress in Cuzco, which is masonry, there are stones of much greater magnitude. And what is most worthy of admiration is that, these stones from the fortress which I refer to, having not been carved with a measuring ruler, but rather being in and of themselves quite unequal in size and faction they slot together, one piece to the next with incredible unity without cement.
All of this was done through the force of many people and with great suffering in the working of it, for in order for one stone to slot in to another (depending on the form they are in), it was a labour to try one stone out many times, the majority of them being neither equal nor flat. The amount of people needed to be present to work the stones and the buildings was made known by the Inca each year, the distribution of which, as with other things, was carried out by the Indians among themselves, without anyone being taxed for it; but although these buildings were large, usually they were badly structured and useless, essentially like mosques [3]or barbaric buildings. They didn’t know how to construct arches in their buildings, nor did they develop a mortar for them[4]. When at the river Jauja, they saw the arches being formed using a centering, and after the bridge was made, they saw the centering collapse, they fled, believing that the entire bridge was to fall down, which was a work of stonemasonry. When they saw it hold firm and then the Spaniards walk across it, the cacique said to his comrades: “Just as well we serve them, for they resemble Sons of the Sun[5]”.
The bridges that they used were made of weaved liana or rush, and with thick rope rooted into the banks, for they did not make bridges from stone or wood. The one that is found in the duct of the great lagoon in Chucuito, Collao[6], is worthy of admiration, because said channel is of such a depth, that one could not lay cement on it; and is so wide, that it is not possible to make an arch that would support it, nor pass it through a spandrel, and for all that, it was impossible to make a bridge from stone or wood. The ingenuity and industry of the Indians found a way to make very secure and steady bridges, being made of just straw, which seems like a fable but it is true. Because as was said in another chapter, that from a some rushes or bulrushes that the lagoon bears, which they call totora[7], they make some bundles and knots out of it, and since it is a very light material, it doesn’t sink down; and to this they add a lot of sedge, and having those bundles or rafts very well tied from one side of the river to the other, men and beasts of burden cross it, without very much hindrance. Having crossed this bridge a few times, I was amazed at the skill of the Indians, for with such a simple material they outdo the best and most secure bridge, which is the pontoon bridge from Seville to Triana[8]. I also measured the length of the bridge, and If I remember rightly, it would be around three hundred feet or so. They say that the depth of said duct is immense; from above the water does not appear to move, they say that it carries a most furious current. This will suffice regarding the buildings”.




[1] i.e, cement.
[2] They did in fact tie them with ropes, as the drawings of Felipe Waman Poma de Ayala (El Primer Nueva Corónica, fol.159 [161]), and Martín de Murúa (Historia y genealogía de los Reyes Incas del Perú, fol. 37v) attest.
[3] Obviously not mosques, but the tone of the writer is clear: mosques represent the Moors, who spoke an African language alien to Europeans, so qualifying the Inca temple (a structure in no way resembling a mosque) as a mosque less than a century after the final and decisive Expulsion of Jews and Muslims in 1492, expresses a certain xenophobic tendency on the part of de Acosta towards the Incas, reinitiating the discrimination thrown at Muslims in 15th century Spain in a new continent. These were attitudes than he clearly inherited however, being from Valladolid, a Northern province with little recorded Moorish or Jewish presence during the middle ages, so it is not surprising that we pick up xenophobic overtones in his prose, in a word, verbally attacking both Muslims and Incas with the one stone.  
[4] Once again we encounter a depreciating tone here. Saying “they didn’t know how to make arches” as opposed to “their buildings did not contain arches”, Acosta follows up with his mosque comment with an another opprobrium, this time of their intelligence; for him, only Catholic Europeans could construct arches, and any nation that can’t is surely primitive and barbaric.
[5] A fictitious account of course: there would not have been a European alive or present to hear correctly let alone translate spontaneous Quechua from a native speaker in the Andes of the first half of the 16th century. Even the word “inca” they decided to render as “inga”, when their Castilian already had words like “banco”, yet was never rendered as “bango”. The fable once again tries to paint Europeans as wholly superior and justified in the destruction of the buildings and culture of the very people he’s choosing to abuse in the written word.
[6] Both located in Puno, Perú.
[7] Perennial plant, Typhaceae. Today it’s used for making high-quality sombreros in Peru, along with many other uses, like as a roof covering, wall or boat.
[8] The “Puente de Barcas” (later rebuilt in 1852 and called Puente de Isabel II) built by the Arabs in the 12th century. It was a floating bridge or pontoon bridge until 1852 when it was rebuilt. 





[texto original]

José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las indias

«CAPITULO XIV

De los edificios y orden de fábricas de los incas[1]

Los edificios y fábricas que los incas hicieron en fortalezas, en templos en caminos, en casas de campo y otras, fueron muchos y de excesivo trabajo, como lo manifiestan el día de hoy las ruinas y pedazos que han quedado, como se ven en el Cuzco, y en Tiawanaco[2] y en Tambo, y en otras partes, donde hay piedras de inmensa grandeza, que no se puede pensar cómo se cortaron y trajeron, y asentaron donde están.
Para todos estos edificios y fortalezas que el Inca mandaba hacer en el Cuzco y en diversas partes de su reino, acudía grandísimo número de todas las provincias, porque la labor es extraña y para espantar; y no usaban de mezcla ni tenían hierro ni acero para cortar y labrar las piedras, ni máquinas ni instrumentos para traerlas[3], y con todo eso están tan pulidamente labradas, que en muchas partes apenas se ve la juntura de unas con otras; y son tan grandes muchas piedras de estas, como está dicho, que sería cosa increíble si no se viese. En Tiawanaco, medí yo una de treinta y ocho pies de largo y de diez y ocho en ancho, y el grueso sería de seis pies, y en la muralla de la fortaleza del Cuzco, que está de mampostería, hay muchas piedras de mucho mayor. grandeza. Y lo que más admira es que no siendo cortadas estas que digo de la muralla, por regla, sino entre sí muy desiguales en el tamaño y en la facción[4], encajan unas con otras con increíble juntura sin mezcla.
Todo esto se hacía a poder de mucha gente y con gran sufrimiento en el labrar, porque para encajar[5] una piedra con otra, según están ajustadas, era forzoso probarla[6] muchas veces, no estando las más de ellas iguales [7]ni llenas. El número que había de acudir de gente para labrar piedras y edificios, el Inca lo señalaba cada año; la distribución, como las demás cosas, hacían los indios entre sí, sin que nadie se agraviase; pero aunque eran grandes estos edificios, comúnmente[8] estaban mal repartidos y aprovechados, propriamente como mezquitas o edificios de bárbaros. Arco en sus edificios no le supieron hacer, ni alcanzaron mezcla para ello. Cuando en el río de Jauja[9], vieron formar los arcos de cimbrias[10], y después de hecha la puente, vieron derribar las cimbrias, echaron a huir[11], entendiendo que se había de caer luego toda la puente, que es de cantería. Como la vieron quedar firme y a los españoles andar por encima, dijo el cacique a sus compañeros: "razón es servir a éstos, que bien parecen hijos del sol".
Las puentes que usaban eran de bejucos[12] o juncos tejidos, y con recias maromas asidos a las riberas, porque de piedra ni de madera no hacían puentes. La que hoy día hay en el desaguadero de la gran laguna de Chicuito[13], en el Collao, pone admiración, porque es hondísimo aquel brazo[14], sin que se pueda echar en él, cimiento alguno; y es tan ancho, que no es posible haber arco que le tome, ni pasarse por un ojo[15], y así del todo era imposible hacer puente de piedra ni de madera. El ingenio e industria de los indios, halló cómo hacer puente muy firme y muy segura, siendo sólo de paja, que parece fábula y es verdad. Porque como se dijo en otro libro, de unos juncos o espadañas que cría la laguna, que ellos llaman totora[16], hacen unos como manojos, atados, y como es materia muy liviana, no se hunden; encima de éstos echan mucha juncia, y teniendo aquellos manojos o balsas muy bien amarrados de una parte y de otra del río, pasan hombres y bestias cargadas, muy a placer.
Pasando algunas veces esta puente, me maravillé del artificio de los indios, pues con cosa tan fácil hacen mejor y más segura puente, que es la de barcos de Sevilla a Triana. Medí también el largo de la puente, y si bien me acuerdo, serán trescientos y tantos pies. La profundidad de aquel desaguadero dicen que es inmensa; por encima no parece que se mueve el agua; por abajo, dicen que lleva furiosísima corriente. Esto baste de edificios».


                    —José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las indias, 1590.



[1] 1590: “inga”. Es un barbarismo.
[2] 1590: «Tiaguanaco».
[3] 1590: «traellas».
[4] 1590: «fación».
[5] 1590: «encaxar».
[6] 1590: «proballa».
[7] 1590: «yguales».
[8] 1590: «communmente».
[9] 1590: «Xauxa». Fue llamado «Hatun Shausha» antes de la llegada de los europeos. No está claro a cuál río se refiere Acosta aquí, podría ser el Río Mantaro o el Río Yauli, los dos cruzan Jauja, probablemente sea el primero por estar más geográficamente cercano a la ciudad puneña Chucuito que mencionó antes.
[10] 1590: «zimbria». La «cimbria» o «cimbra» es el armazón que sostiene un arco (DRAE).
[11] 1590: «huír».
[12] palabra recién introducida al léxico común cuando escribió de Acosta, de origen antillano, que seguramente salió durante los viajes iniciales de Colón hasta el caribe. Las voces antillanas fueron entre las primeras en ser aceptadas por los castellanohablantes del siglo XVI.
[13] 1590: «Chycuito». Un error tipográfico.
[14] «brazo»: brazo del río.
[15] «ojo». 13. m. Espacio entre dos estribos o pilas de un puente. (DRAE).
[16] Planta perenne con tallo erecto de hasta 3 m de altura, hojas con forma de cinta e inflorescencia en espiga cilíndrica de color pardo rojizo, situada en el ápice del tallo; se usa en la construcción de techos, paredes para cobertizos de ranchos y embarcaciones, (Typhaceae) (ASALE). Hoy día en el Perú es empleada para fabricar sombreros, los cuales son considerados como los mejores y más costosos por la labor que involucra su fabricación y la contextura suave y agradable que tienen al tocarlos.




Appendix: from the first English translation (1604) by Edward Grimeston, who appears to have been one of the earliest hispanists in the English language and was a prolific translator. I found this online shortly after publishing. Fascinating. I won’t edit this or comment on its syntax, I just wanted to merely present the text as a linguistic curio, it’s pure Shakespearean English; this is how an English speaker would have first read about Perú and Latin America in the early 1600’s. Again, just fascinating. 


«Of the Edifices and maner of building of the Inguas CHAP. 14.

The Edifices and Buildings which the Inguas made in temples, fortresses, waies, countrie houses, and such like, were many in number, and of an excessive labour, as doth appeare at this day by their ruines and remainders, both in Cusco, Tyaguanaco, Tambo, and other places, where there are stones of an vnmeasurable greatnes: so as men cannot conceive how they were cut, brought, and set in their places. There came great numbers of people from all Provinces, to worke in these buildings and fortresses, which the Ingua caused to be made in Cusco, or other partes of the Realme. As these workes were strange, and to amaze the beholders, wherein they vsed no morter nor ciment, neither any yron, or steele, to cut, and set the stones in worke. They had no engines or other instruments to carrie them, and yet were they so artificially wrought, that in many places they could not see the ioyntes: and many of these stones are so big, that it were an incredible thing, if one should not see them. At Tiaguanaco, I did measure a stone of thirty eight foote long, of eighteene broade, and six thicke. And in the wall of the fortresse of Cusco, which is of Moallon, there are stones of a geater bignes. And that which is most strange, these stones being not cut nor squared to ioyne, but contrariwise, very vnequall one with another in forme and greatnes, yet did they ioyne them together without ciment, after an incredible maner. All this was done by the force of men, who endured their labour with an invincible patience. For to ioyne one stone with an other, they were forced to handle and trie many of them often, being vneven. The Ingua appoynted every yeare what numbers of people should labour in these stones and buildings, and the Indians made a division amongest them, as of other things, so as no man was oppressed. Although these buildings were great, yet were they commonly ill appoynted and vnfit, almost like to the Mosquites or buildings of the Barbarians.

They could make no arches in their edifices, no morter or cyment to builde them withall: when they saw arches of wood built vpon the river of Xaura, the bridge being finished, and the wood broken downe, they all beganne to runne away, supposing that the bridge which was of stone should presently fall; but when they found it to stand firme, and that the Spaniards went on it, the Cacique saide to his companions; It is reason we should serve these men, who in trueth seeme to be the children of the Sunne. The bridges they made were of reedes plaited, which they tied to the bankes with great stakes, for that they could not make any bridges of stone or wood. The bridge which is at this day vpon the current of the great lake Chiquitto in Collao is admirable, for the course of that water is so deep, as they can not settle any foundation, and so broade, that it is impossible to make an arch to passe it: so as it was altogether impossible to make a bridge eyther of wood or stone. But the wit and industry of the Indians invented a meanes to make a firme and assured bridge, being only of strawe, which seemeth fabulous, yet is it very true: For as we have said before, they did binde together certaine bundles of reedes, and weedes, which do grow in the lake that they call Torora, and being a light matter that sinkes not in the water, they cast it vppon a great quantity of reedes, then having tyed those bundles of weedes to either side of the river, both men and beasts goe over it with ease: passing over this bridge I have woondered, that of so common and easie a thing, they had made a bridge, better, and more assured than the bridge of boates from Seville to Triane. I have measured the length of this bridge, and as I remember, it was above three hundred foote; and they say that the depth of this current is very great: and it seemes above, that the water hath no motion, yet they say, that at the bottome it hath a violent and very furious course. And this shall suffice for buildings».


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